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Minerva Britanna or a Garden of Heroicall Devises. London : Wa: Dight Rambuss Richard. McClary Susan. Toronto : U of Toronto P Smith Nigel. Andrew Marvell: The Chameleon. Stocker Margarita. Athens : Ohio U P Sugimura N. Toliver Harold E. Werlin Julianne. Wilcher Robert. Andrew Marvell. Cambridge : Cambridge U P Marvell A Short Historical Essay 2. Marvell Remarks 2. Author: Brendan Prawdzik 1. Keywords: Marvell ; eyes and tears ; phenomenology ; religion ; poetics ; Ecclesiastes ; Crashaw ; metaphysical ; eschatology. Restricted Access. Add to Cart. Have an Access Token?

Enter your access token to activate and access content online. Please login and go to your personal user account to enter your access token. Have Institutional Access? Forgot your password? Get Permissions. Export References. New York, NY : Norton , London : MacMillan , New York : New Directions , Newark : U of Delaware P , Andrew Marvell, Orphan of the Hurricane.

Oxford : Oxford U P , Hamden : Archon Books , Reims : Universitaires de Reims , Cypess earned her PhD in music history from Yale in , where, under the supervision of Ellen Rosand , she wrote a dissertation exploring connections between vocal and instrumental music in early 17th-century Italy.

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The University of Chicago Press. University of Rochester Press, Views from the Enlightenment and Today, " Leonardo , June Lorna Fitzsimmons.

6. Opera in Venice and Beyond

Forthcoming from Oxford University Press. Rebecca Cypess , Beth L. Perhaps the best-known instance of historical concern with sensibility lies in the debate surrounding the rise of the humanitarian sensibility in eighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century Britain and America. The humanitarian sensibility united an ethics of feeling with an empiricist epistemology, a moral universalism and a notion of necessary action to alleviate suffering.

Antislavery was a matter not only of a new set of ideas or an intellectual perspective, but of a new way of perceiving and feeling. Haskell offered a powerful and sophisticated causal explanation linking capitalism to antislavery activism. But here is an excellent object lesson on the way in which the focus on causality leads the historian away from the specific and concrete historical sensibility to a more general and abstract process that instrumentalizes the sensibility.

Haskell's argument simply assumed an equation between the antislavery movement and a humanitarian sensibility, and then proceeded to create a model of the market and its consequences for patterns of thought, with very little specific historical reference.

That is, his formulation sought to explain the action of antislavery activism in relation to a presumed logic of the market without showing how historical actors perceived, sensed, and felt, or how texts created by them expressed a sensibility. By focusing on the outcome—antislavery activism—and the presumed intellectual consequences of capitalist markets, Haskell made the sensibility embedded in historical documents largely irrelevant to his account.

What Haskell seemed to see as the humanitarian sensibility was less a new pattern of moral and emotional understanding, and more a new imaginative capacity for understanding action at a distance through extended causal chains, and putting moral principle into action. In order to emphasize the supposed new ways of imagining causal sequence provoked by the market, Haskell had to downplay the moral ideas and feelings of the new sensibility.

6. Opera in Venice and Beyond – Music in the Baroque: Companion Website by Wendy Heller

His argument focused more on the rise of a new form of behavior antislavery activism and less on what made up the sensibility behind that activism. In fact, he insisted that as a matter of moral prescription, nothing had changed in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries: the Golden Rule contained all that anyone needed to know about prescriptive morality in antislavery thought, as if the prescription were itself self-evident and unchanging and required only new application to a world of imagined possibilities. Those who followed Haskell in discussing the humanitarian sensibility were more concerned with analyzing the modes of perception, feeling, and being contained in the humanitarian sensibility.

Thomas Laqueur, for instance, showed that realistic representation of concrete details in medical and reform texts, by foregrounding the specific and empirical, drew a moral connection between concreteness, immediate sensation, and ameliorative action. The rise of realism and descriptive empiricism, in this account, fosters not a fatalistic detachment, but a moral impulse to intervention.

And Elizabeth Clark has demonstrated the ways in which the logic of humanitarian sympathy and the emotive connections it drew between persons could underwrite a liberal political philosophy of rights. Scholarship on humanitarianism is one of the most fruitful areas of research in the history of sensibilities. In addition to texts such as these, there are two bodies of historiography that seem to be developing elements of the history of sensibilities. The first is the history of emotions, which has received a very strong push from Peter Stearns, particularly in his role as editor of the Journal of Social History.

It was Febvre who first proposed a history of emotions more than sixty years ago. In some ways, the focus on emotions as a discrete set of psychological phenomena would seem to confirm Eliot's notion that modern culture views emotions and thought as entirely distinct from one another. Intellectual historians want precious little to do with emotions, and historians of emotions want precious little to do with intellectual history.

The second body of scholarship focuses on the history of the senses themselves. As is frequently the case, the French were in the vanguard.

Alain Corbin's studies of the history of odor and the history of sound in France laid the foundation for scholarship that would isolate sensory perception as a legitimate object of historical research, and that would lift sensation out of the realm of biology and psychology and into the realm of culture. American historians such as Mark Smith, Peter Charles Hoffer, and Richard Cullen Rath have built upon this foundation by identifying different sensory patterns in the colonial American past and linking the senses to such notable historical phenomena as race and segregation.

Historians of technology have shown the ways in which changes in technologies have had consequences for the forms in which sound and vision are experienced. The starting point for much of the history of the senses is a consciousness that modern cultures have privileged the visual and made the sense of sight the primary source of knowledge; those societies in which vision was not primary have been evaluated in terms of the visual, rather than the significance of the other senses.

So we have yet another version of the world we have lost. These were worlds much more alive with sound than our own, worlds not yet disenchanted, worlds perhaps even chanted into being. Any cultural sensibility would seem to involve a particular hierarchy of sensory experience, rather than a fixed universal mode of sensation applicable across cultures.

So far, however, the scholarship has focused more on the individual senses—smell, hearing—than on the way those senses fit into an overall pattern of sensation, or how they might be linked to emotional states. S keptics will say that sensibilities can be found only in representations, that it is only in discourse or texts of various kinds that sensibilities achieve any definition—and they are right. But instead of assembling a group of texts defined by their content, and then saying that these texts are all part of a discourse that is about that content in some fundamental way, that its terms of representation are somehow central to the object being depicted, historians might try to move away from the object and find the perceptual, emotive, and conceptual frameworks that make it possible for that object to be represented in that way.

For instance, cultural studies of the discourse of slavery begin with the idea that slavery is an object of representation, and assemble various depictions, images, and discussions of slavery with the assumption that the discourse of slavery is defined by the common subject matter at the center of it, and not by preexisting sensibilities. The assumption is that the discourse of slavery is a response to slavery itself, rather than part of a broader set of perceptual orientations that make slavery visible. In order to see the object at all, we need to have the equipment for seeing; in order to find emotional response, we need to identify the orientation toward feeling.

The humanitarian sensibility is not a response to slavery, for instance, even if slavery comes to be important in giving shape and content to that sensibility. Rather, slavery comes to be represented as a moral evil in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries at least in part because of the development of a humanitarian sensibility. So, without dismissing the influence of cultural studies altogether, let us make a modest plea for recovering what continues to be of value in the old cultural history.

Historians will always need accounts that seek to explain historical events, movements, and actions; they will always need accounts that focus on the ways in which power structures cultural beliefs and practices. But the historical imagination also provides us with the capacity to see more than the objects of consciousness or the material circumstances of the past as different from those of the present.

It gets us in back of the cultural world, and lets us see patterns of perception, feeling, thinking, and believing as fundamental to what makes one culture different from another. And it might even help us bind up the wounds of the dissociation of sensibilities, and put us on the road to recovery of those worlds we have lost.

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